Perception of Corruption in Afghanistan

As an Afghan citizen living in Afghanistan, corruption has become an accepted practice for getting anything done.

A recent report from Transparency International listed Afghanistan as one of the 3 highest countries with the perception of corruption in public services. The CPI index ranked Afghanistan 175 on the scale of 1 to 175.

As an Afghan citizen living in Afghanistan, the ranking is not an exaggeration.

Corruption has become an accepted practice for getting anything done. It encompasses not only the public sector, but is also a problem within many international organizations and donors working in the country on development issues.

Both the Afghan government and non-government organizations, including the civil society, need to take serious steps to root out this demeaning issue.

Corruption has been one of the core challenges facing the Afghan government. In the past 12 years and in a post-conflict society, Afghans have been plagued by weak institutions and uncertainty.

The perception of corruption is not only an issue in the public service of Afghanistan, it has become an undisclosed and undiscussed issue in the donor programs implemented off-budget by various international contractors. Experience and discussion with various Afghans working for non-government organizations says that 15% has become a norm to be provided as kickbacks to individuals or teams working on grants or procurement in various organizations. Most of the grant units have a pool of friends that understand and agree to their demands and only those friends get contracts.

International organizations and diaspora-led NGOs exploit the weak oversight institutional capacity in Afghanistan

Being savvy in using financial tricks to obscure corruption or being “friends” of certain people in the donor community enables them to get contracts, which are usually overpriced and burdened with unreasonable administrative costs. In addition, they get the contracts easier than local organizations; any corrupt behavior in their misusing development aid goes unnoticed for the sake of mutual benefits.

Ordinary Afghans have no option but to remain weary and frustrated with the widespread corruption resulting in a minimum impact of the billions of dollars spent here in Afghanistan.

This must change. Both the Afghan government and the Afghan people, including its international partners, must commit to eradicating corruption for good. Afghans need to work with our international partners to become vigilant and accountable of the use and misuse of both public money and the donor aid provided to the country.

Getting rid of corruption is not just an ethical matter; it is also a requirement particularly in post-2014 Afghanistan where resource will be scarce and development needs remain huge.

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Note: This article was also published on Sharnoff Global Views at http://www.sharnoffsglobalviews.com/dogma-corruption-afghanistan-235/ and in the Afghanistan Times on Dec. 11, 2013.

Kabul Consults on Afghan-US Treaty in a Loya Jirga

Afghan President Hamid Karzai has commissioned a team to prepare for and organize a Loya Jirga in Kabul to consult and decide on the fate of the bilateral agreement between the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the United States.

As part of public awareness about the event, colorful banners and posters can be seen across Kabul. The event planned to occur in November seeks to aid understanding, consultations, and approval of the vital security compact between Afghanistan and the United States. Will it do so?

Loya Jirga, or a Grand Council, is an organic and democratic Afghan institution and cultural event which meets to consult and make important decisions that matters to the Afghan people.

Participants in the council are de facto and elected officials from across the country that negotiate and agree unanimously on a relevant issue. Its decision is legally binding on all sides concerned.

The consultative jirga in November is important to Afghans and the world for a number of reasons.

A major issue is that consultations will lead to a collective Afghan decision on defining and agreeing to the US military presence on Afghan soil post 2014. Another reason is that the jirga will give Afghan President Hamid Karzai political legitimacy to sign the pact. In that sense, it resembles the western concept of a referendum.

The security compact between Kabul and Washington is also an unprecedented treaty. As Afghans continue to take full responsibility and ownership of their nation’s future post-2014, the treaty is essential to keep international attention on Afghanistan. It will also provide support to the Afghan government and its security establishment to evolve into a fully capable entity thwarting internal and external threats.

Moreover, the security compact is vital to avoid the devastating consequences of the Soviet-Afghan War and subsequent civil war after Russia’s withdrawal in 1989.

As a result of this tragedy, conflicting regional and geo-political interests, a lack of international attention, and a failing state helped Taliban come to power.

Thanks to present-day international re-engagement in Afghanistan, Kabul has made significant and extraordinary progress. Democracy is maturing, life expectancy has improved, major highways are paved, communication and banking have flourished, the economy is growing, and Afghan men and women are being educated in thousands of public and private schools across the country.

Afghan women, in particular, are able to contribute more productively to the development of Afghan society outside their homes. They are now in parliament, schools and hospitals.

However, much work still needs to be done.

Afghanistan lags behind many countries on many development indexes. More efforts should focus to further education, especially for women, and enable Afghans out of poverty, which breeds radicalization. To make this happen, Afghanistan requires continued international support.

The presence should improve Afghanistan’s self-reliance and reconciliation; it should help in the establishment and furthering of good relations with its neighbors and help maintaining an environment in which all Afghans continue their march towards a more pluralistic, democratic and peaceful society.

The Loya Jirga may endorse Afghan President Karzai to sign the treaty if it is really meant to achieve these goals.

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This article was also published on http://www.sharnoffsglobalviews.com/kabul-afghan-treaty-210/. 

Afghan Prospects for Post-2014 Era

The US-led coalition forces have announced their planned withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014. To meet the deadline, many members have already started extracting their soldiers and equipment from Afghanistan.

A number of initiatives have already been undertaken as part of the transition in Afghanistan.

The Afghan National Army is taking the lead in securing Afghanistan. The coalition forces are switching to a support role by providing training, equipment and financial support. And the Afghan National Police forces are getting more professional and responsible for security in Afghan cities.

In addition to transition in security issues, Afghans are taking on more responsibilities in leading development activities.  The Afghan government is assuming more ownership in public service delivery and the private sector is doing most of the things international contractors used to do.

When the Soviet Union left, the Afghan government was weak and limited to big cities, and an ideology-driven insurgency was much stronger in the country side. Besides, unemployment was high, the economy was in a critical situation, and the central government had uneasy relations with its neighbors, like Pakistan.  The present Afghan government also grapples with similar issues. However, the situation is far less threatening than it used to be in the 1990s.

Unlike in the 1990s, Afghanistan is now constitutionally an "Islamic Republic" forestalling any organized ideological confrontations. The present Afghan government and society enjoy better international relations and support than in the 1990s. Most Western countries have established strategic partnerships with the Afghan government, outlining their commitment to supporting Afghanistan well beyond 2014.

In addition to the strategic partnership documents, Afghanistan and the US are negotiating a compact that spells out the responsibilities of the residual US military presence in Afghanistan.

Other than a few public schools and universities in 2001, Afghanistan had no private schools or investment in education. But today, Afghanistan has many private schools that complement the public education system.

Private investment in the health sector has also helped in the boom of private health facilities across the country. Some, such as the DK German Medical Diagnostic Center in Kabul, are explicitly foreign-owned, providing top quality services in Kabul.

Developments in infrastructure construction, information technology, media and communication, banking, aviation, mining, trade and financial services have been unprecedented.

Ordinary Afghans have mixed feelings about Afghanistan's future. Most recognize the mentioned developments, while they also understand that a lot more need to be done to keep the momentum going.

A taxi driver in Kabul told me that "The situation in Kabul has changed drastically. In the past, one could not go safely from east to west and paved roads did not exist. There wasn't enough food, and having a car was a luxury. But today that has changed. Ordinary people can travel freely in Kabul and many provinces of the country. More Afghans have got involved in successful private businesses."

There is a consensus both among Afghans and the international community that nobody wants a return to the 1990s. A huge amount of blood and treasure, both by outsiders and Afghans, have been spent in bringing Afghanistan to where it is now.

Many factors will have a profound impact on future stability: the conduct and perception of the upcoming presidential elections in 2014 and the parliamentary elections in 2015, improvements in Afghanistan's relations with its immediate neighbors, international attention and support for the young democracy, investment and diversity in the Afghan economy, and more continuous investment in competent and motivated young Afghan men and women.

If Afghans can stay united, they will have the hope of continuing their achievements and forging a better life post-2014.

Note: The article was also published on Global Times Chine.

Afghan Elections for the Future of Afghanistan

According to local Afghans in Kabul, a number of reasons make the presidential elections in 2014 vital to Afghan democracy. 

Most people cite that since power is highly centralized and the president is the chief executive making the ultimate decisions, many want to seek that power.

According to the Afghan Constitution, the president has the authority to veto laws, dissolve parliament when a state of emergency is announced, appoint the cabinet, and name governors for Afghanistan's 34 provinces. All report to the president.

This highly centralized hold on power makes running for the supreme office important for all in Afghanistan.

Now that current President Hamid Karzai has served two terms in office and has vowed to hold free and fair elections in which power would be democratically transferred to the next hopeful, Afghans are thinking on who to vote for as their new president.

Some genuine concerns loom in Afghans' mind as the country prepares for the 2014 elections.

Conversations with local Afghans reveal that inclusiveness, popularity and credibility of candidates, as well as transparency and acceptance of the results by all parties involved, are some of the principle challenges facing Afghan elections in 2014.

Inclusiveness becomes an issue since Afghanistan still struggles with an armed opposition.

The Taliban, although agreeing to initial negotiations in Doha, haven't yet explicitly affirmed their participation or acceptance in the upcoming elections.

Despite Afghans' enthusiasm for going to the ballot boxes, a rejection of the elections or non-participation by the Taliban may present serious security challenges, particularly in regions far from Kabul.

Another challenge that looms around the elections is that there doesn't seem to be any explicit favorite candidate.

Various names such as ex-ministers in the Karzai administration, the president's elder brother, and names from the Afghan diaspora get discussed among Afghan commentators. Some analysts would go even far beyond accusing President Karzai of wanting to prolong his tenure although this cannot be proven.

Transparency and holding free and fair elections is another challenge Afghans speak about when discussing the elections.

Although a new electoral law has been introduced that addressed some of the issues, Afghans are still concerned about the repetition of a 2010 scenario where allegations of fraud were made by all sides involved.

Wazhma Sadat, an Afghan student studying at Yale University and now working on economic development in Afghanistan, mentions that due to allegations of perceived fraud and a prevailing weak culture of accepting political loss, Afghanistan's political stability may become volatile, and the country's march toward economic development and prosperity could be stalled.

All in all, Afghan history, and particularly modern political culture, hasn't been as receptive to change as one would hope for.

Since there is a lot at stake in presidential elections in Afghanistan, legitimacy and acceptance of the results of upcoming elections can even be contested just for the sake of it.

If mismanaged and deliberate, this can create unfortunate friction and power struggle resulting in difficult circumstances for post-2014 Afghanistan.

However, if the elections are free and fair to all and accepted by all stakeholders, President Hamid Karzai will make unprecedented history if he can ensure a democratic transfer of power to the next head of Afghanistan. Whether this happens remains a question to be answered next year.

Afghan Security After US Withdrawal

The US-led coalition forces are packing-up to leave Afghanistan in or before 2014. Afghans view this withdrawal deadline with anxiety because it is reminiscent of the Soviet withdrawal during the late 80s resulting in a horrific Afghan civil war.

Afghans do not want another war starting in 2014 – instead, they want to build on their country’s many unprecedented achievements, and live in lasting peace. To be able to do so, Afghanistan needs to have fruitful relations with its neighbors, particularly Pakistan.

Modern Afghanistan finds itself cramped between the conflicting geo-political interests of India and Pakistan. The two nuclear armed states have fought direct wars, in 1948, 65, 71 and 98, to protect their interests in the region; they might do so again if required.

This hostile relation makes breathing space thinner for Afghanistan. Siding with one of them, alienates it from the other; and invites their furious resentment.  History is a proof that Afghanistan cannot afford to do so especially when it wants to have a lasting stability post 2014.

Thus, it compels one to ask how Afghanistan’s relation should look like with the regional countries, mainly its eastern neighbor post 2014? The question is difficult to answer, yet an insight analysis and conclusion of the situation could be framed to predict the future.

India in Afghanistan

Considering its underdevelopment, Afghanistan must accept aid from any international partner; including India. India is happy to provide billions in aid. It has already contributed $2 billion to Afghanistan reconstruction efforts since 2001.

This relation makes Pakistan uneasy and raises security concerns in Islamabad.

Kabul’s answer of being respected for its sovereignty in accepting aid is not sufficient enough to Islamabad for their interests and worries. Abandoning India is not in the economic interests of Afghanistan simply due to its dismal economic circumstances and its historic good relations with that country.

Afghan-Pakistan Relations

Many Afghans speak emotionally about modern Pak-Afghan relations; and a blame game scenario comes on when those relations are discussed. Afghans would blame the “wrong intentions” of its neighbor for Kabul’s issues. Many in Pakistan would point the finger back to Afghanistan for Pakistan’s contemporary problems. The blame game goes on uncovering a fundamental mistrust between the two Muslim nations that share 2,640 kilo-meters (nearly 1500 miles) long border.

A Possible Way Forward

It is in the interest of better Af-Pak ties that both countries to put a stop to the increasing mistrust. Instead, each should see each other’s development as an opportunity for their own prosperity. This is a difficult ideal situation; however, there needs to be a start somewhere to eventually reach that goal. Rather than picking sides, Afghans need to lead on how they can develop a national regional policy that uses on positive support from both the regional countries, and it does not allow for Afghanistan to be a political chessboard.

The policy should include such diplomatic approaches that turn a seemingly incompatible competition from both countries to a positive one in Afghanistan’s development. It does not allow for any of the countries to see Afghanistan as a threat, and eventually wins their respect for being an intermediary ally where the two countries can sit together discussing solutions to bilateral and regional issues. Yes, this sounds way too ideal, but not impossible.

The national policy should also point out how Pakistan, which already has $2.5 billion of annual tradewith Afghanistan, can build on its economic gains if it invests in a stable Afghan economy. Emphasis should also be directed toward Afghanistan providing the necessary linkages for connecting Pakistan to the unexplored central Asian markets and energy resources.

India should also be mindful of its gains from investing in Afghanistan’s economic sectors and a positive competition with Pakistan in Afghanistan’s development. Both Pakistani and Indian firms should be invited to compete and invest in Afghanistan’s education, particularly higher education; in investing in Afghanistan’s health sector; and in the booming construction and infrastructure development sectors.

In addition, Kabul can benefit from building positive bilateral relations with both the regional powers by increasing more cultural exchanges, sports activities, and formalized transportation services such as the Pak-Afghan bus services to build on creating genuine trust. Furthermore, recognition should be given to the free visa both Pakistan and India provide to Afghanistan. The process could be simplified and made a lot easier for both Afghans and people from the two countries coming and investing in Afghanistan. Tourism could be facilitated, and people encouraged to build on the shared culture and deep-rooted religious ties in the region.

Such positive relations can then evolve into enabling people in the two countries to discuss and resolve the contentious issue of the Pak-Afghan border (Durand Line) in a legitimate, reasonable and mutually acceptable manner.

Doing all the above sounds too idealist; however, the thinking can be a start point for developing a realistic approach to have harmonized relations among Afghanistan and the two competing nuclear nations. To help this ideal approach, international support especially from the United Nations, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and the Istanbul Process could be mobilized. In addition, specific power-brokers, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, should encourage to make things work better. If done correctly, Afghanistan can avoid becoming a chessboard once again.

People in Afghanistan, as well as the people of these two nuclear states want lasting peace and development in the region. Their policy makers should respect what the masses want, and cooperate towards making it a reality which is not a rigid difficulty.

Afghanistan’s Pakistan Challenge

Afghanistan is preparing for the withdrawal of the US-led coalition forces in or before 2014. In addition, the country is preparing to hold presidential elections in April 2014. If the election process is perceived to be transparent and accepted by all parties involved, Afghan President Hamid Karzai would have made unprecedented history by having political power transferred democratically and peacefully to the next presidential hopeful.

Afghans’ hopes for a peaceful transition are high; they are also determined to continue building on their country’s unprecedented achievements, namely political freedom, access to education, and private sector development. However, Afghans and their government still need to do more both unilaterally and in collaboration with the international community to keep the momentum going.

One major concern Afghans anticipate is maintaining sincere support from Pakistan. Afghans see this as a challenge considering the history of Af-Pak relations, and the two distinct “Pakistan’s” Afghans have experienced so far.

The Pakistan Afghanistan Knows

One is a Pakistan that is kind and cooperative. Millions of Afghans sought refuge in Pakistan after the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union in the 1980s. These Afghans in Pakistan received good education, even had their own schools and universities, developed successful businesses, and had an equal access to health and recreation facilities there. Many have also learned the popular cricket game there.

Some of these Afghans form the intellectual cadre in present Afghanistan. They are well-educated; positive thinkers, and driven to make a positive difference in Afghan society. Afghans appreciate the sincere cooperation of Pakistan for these favors in those difficult days. Karzai usually refers to this Pakistan as a “brother.” Many Afghans would want to build on those good memories and positive contributions to Afghan’s development; they would also to strengthen their deep-rooted cultural and religious ties with its Muslim neighbor.

However, Afghans also know another Pakistan that they find difficult to work with on mutual cooperation policy. Kabul would blame this Pakistan for some of the issues it faces today. Pakistan would reject those accusations and may blame Afghanistan for their contemporary problems. This “mistrust” persists.

The bilateral or multilateral efforts to build trust usually fail. This is evident from analyzing the not so hopeful results of the various confidence building processes, such as the Istanbul Process mediated by Turkey, the efforts of the Afghan Peace Council on seeking Pakistani cooperation in supporting the peace process in Afghanistan, and other many efforts held through the mediation of the US, the UK, and other power brokers. Karzai usually appears frustrated after such negotiations end.

So what?

If there isn’t a turn over and honest effort on both sides towards creating trust and agreement in building real confidence, the Af-Pak relations may strain benefiting neither Afghans nor the Pakistani people. In turn, security, peace and stability would remain an elusive concept in the region.

Communication with fellow Afghans and Pakistani friends reveal that none want such a disheartening situation.

Instead of the two Pakistan Afghans have experienced so far, the Afghan people seek a “one” cooperative neighbor that understands and supports the Afghans’ desire and strides towards peace, stability and prosperity after decades of difficulties in Afghanistan. Afghans should also realize the desire for peace and concerns of the Pakistani people on the other side of the Durand line. Both neighbors should work towards a relation that roots out classic development threats, such as poverty and unemployment, which are the principle causes of violence and suffering in the region.

As the date of the parliamentary election in Pakistan is scheduled for May 11, 2013, Afghans hope fellow Pakistanis will seek a government that recognizes the need for having lasting peace and stability on both sides of the Durand Line. In addition, the new government is hoped to lead reconciliation efforts, plays a crucial and sincere part in ending the insecurity in the region and supports Afghan’s strides towards stability and self-reliance post 2014.

Establishing lasting peace and stability that enables prosperity in the Af-Pak region should be business of the people and their policy makers living in the Islamic republic of Afghanistan and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. It should not require the need for military presence of others living hundreds of miles away.

The Mistake of Forgetting Afghanistan Again

It would be unjust, dangerous and a mistake for the international community to abandon Afghanistan again in 2014.

The mistake of forgetting Afghanistan again would be unjust for a simple fact that Afghanistan’s problems are a direct result of a global desire to win the Cold War. It is also dangerous because Afghanistan is still too weak to take care of itself and its boundaries. While many refer to the war against the spreading of communism in the 1970s as “cold war,” most Afghans disagree with this definition.

For Afghanistan and Afghans, it was a “burning hot war” ever fought on this beautiful land that literally burnt it.  When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, this central Asian country became an official theater of a hot war with the Soviet Union-backed communist government in Kabul.

The consequences were harmful for Afghanistan. In addition to losing a state order and prevailing peace, the war resulted in substantial human, physical and social losses to millions of Afghans. Millions had to flee and seek refuge in other countries accepting all sorts of miseries in their journeys.

This war went on for almost a decade with the Soviet Union finally deciding to leave the country in 1989; the year when the Berlin wall came down in Germany. While the world supported the fall of the Berlin Wall, Afghanistan entered another era of brutality.

The international community made the mistake of abandoning Afghanistan in its time of need

The result was the start of a proxy civil war which was practically expected after Afghanistan had been armed by competing superpowers. This conflict ripped the country apart. Beautiful Kabul was turned into a smoking war-field. Afghan children, women and men continued to live through traumatic events of losing loved ones for years. The world did not care.

Unfortunately, it was the 9/11 tragic events that reminded the international community of a long-forgotten country at the heart of Asia. It was only then when the world realized that they had committed a mistake in forgetting a nation that offered its wealth and blood in the 1980s against a superpower that seemed too mighty to face.

They rushed to return to dismantle an eminent threat; and in the process help Afghans rebuild hope for a better future. In addition to facilitating a new political administration, a new constitution was ratified and international security assistance was provided to secure the implementation of democracy and promotion of human rights in the country. Afghans are thankful to those favors.

Most Afghans are thankful and welcomed the intervention and its intentions. However, they now realize that there was too little focus on Afghanistan’s real development. There has been way too much focus on military action that has been only counter-productive.

The majority of Afghans that live in rural areas feel little impact from the billions of dollars spent, either on military action or in other activities. In essence, it seems that other than changing regimes, there wasn’t any coherent strategy in place on how to re-establish at least a pre-1980s Afghanistan.

Today after more than a decade of international involvement, Afghanistan face similar issues it did after the withdrawal of the Soviet Union in 1989. As at that time, most Afghans live with a limited and difficult government, weak institutions, high unemployment and little improvements in human development especially in rural areas. In addition, Afghanistan finds itself in between tensions with its neighbors. These challenges hinder future prospects for stability and prosperity.

Afghans hope that the world should have learned from its mistakes in the 1990s

The international community should not repeat these mistakes, and should continue to bear the minimum cost of supporting Afghans build a better future. The cost does not have to be only aid; it can also be sincere investment in Afghanistan’s economy.

The following sectors would benefit from international investment: Telecommunication, transportation, the education sector, health, the vast mineral reserves as well as agribusiness and carpets. In addition, Afghanistan can be turned to be a hub of trade between Central Asia and South Asia. Afghanistan cannot accomplish those difficult tasks alone.

It would be another dangerous mistake for the international community to abandon responsibility in post 2014 Afghanistan. Afghans do not want another 9/11 to bring NATO back. Instead, they want a civilian and investment surge.

A Unified Kabul After Coalition Withdrawal?

The US-led coalition deadline of transition in 2014 has encouraged the Afghan government in Kabul to prepare for resuming security responsibility.

The Afghan government in Kabul has experienced a number of initiatives as part of the security transition. First, the Afghan National Army is taking lead in securing Afghanistan. Coalition forces are switching to a support role by providing training, equipment and financial support. In addition, the Afghan National Police forces are getting more professional for security in Afghan cities. Afghans are also becoming more responsible in leading development activities.

What is Different from the 1990s?

When the Soviet Union left Afghanistan in 1989, Kabul was weak and limited to big cities; and an ideology-driven insurgency was much stronger in the country side. Unemployment was rampant; the economy was weak; and Kabul had poor relations with its neighbors, especially Pakistan.

The present Afghan government grapples with similar issues; however, they are far less threatening than they were in the 1990s. Unlike the 90s, Afghanistan is a constitutionally “Islamic Republic” defying any organized ideological confrontations.

Strategic Partnerships

The current Afghan government and society enjoys better relations with the international community. Most Western countries have signed strategic partnership treaties with Kabul outlining their commitment to this country well beyond 2014. Such agreements did not exist during the 90s.

Afghanistan Security Agreements with the US

In addition to the strategic partnership documents, Afghanistan and the United States are negotiating an agreement that details responsibilities of the US residual military presence in Afghanistan. NATO appears to be waiting to get into a similar contract with the Afghan government. These agreements are other positive partnerships that bring hope for a better post-2014 Afghanistan.

Experience in Governance

Although governance still needs improving, Afghan officials are becoming increasingly more professional. Civil society is getting stronger and more involved in making this work better, and Afghan media is able to address the relevant issues. Afghan women go to schools and they can been seen in parliament, schools, universities, hospitals and even in the police force.

Other Developments

In addition to the big political developments, progress in education, health, infrastructure development and increased trade have enhanced the economic prosperity of Afghans in the past decade.

For example, other than a few public schools and universities in 2001, Afghanistan had no private schools or investment in education. Today, many private schools complement public education in providing BA and MA degrees to many male and female students. In addition, private investment in the health sector has helped boost private health facilities across the country.

Developments in construction and infrastructure development, information technology, media and communication, banking, aviation, mining, trade and financial services have been unprecedented in Afghan history. These need to continue and most young Afghans are ever resilient to make it happen.

Ordinary Afghan Perceptions

Ordinary Afghans have mixed feelings about their future. Most recognize the developments; however, they also understand that a lot more needs to be done to keep the momentum going. Afghans want a more proactive government to provide better public services and private sector development.

A taxi driver in Kabul said: “The situation in Kabul has changed drastically. One could not go safely from east to the west of Kabul city; paved roads did not exist; having a car was a huge luxury.” He went on mentioning that “electricity was only in the palace and a few houses of the elite. Today that has changed. Ordinary Afghans have access to many of those facilities in Afghanistan.”

An Afghan civil servant said that there could be a reduction in aid-related economic activities; however, there won’t be a return to the 1990s. People have learned a lesson that divisions and civil war creates only bad things.

An Analysis

It seems there is a consensus among Afghans and the international community that nobody wants a return to the 1990s. Precious lives and wealth have been sacrificed and invested in bringing Afghanistan to where it is now.

Many understand the importance of the upcoming presidential elections in 2014 and the parliamentary elections in 2015. The strides made in the improvement of Afghanistan’s relation with its neighbors, the international attention and support to a budding democracy, and the increase in the rule of law, security and infrastructure should not be underestimated. Moreover, investment in the economy will have a profound impact on post-2014 stability in Afghanistan.

If unified, the majority of young Afghans are competent enough to continue on their unprecedented achievements and maintain a better country after 2014.

The Challenge of Democracy in Afghanistan

Implementing a democratic system in Afghanistan faces serious difficulties in uniting Afghans and in fostering good governance.

Afghanistan has been ruled through monarchs since the establishment of modern Afghanistan by Ahmad Shah Durrani. Ahmad Shah, the first king, was chosen as King of Khorassan, the region’s name at the time, in a traditionalLoya Jirga (grand council) in 1747.

Loya Jirga is a gathering of traditional and de facto leaders in Afghan society that make decisions on important national issues on consensus. Ahmad Shah’s empire encompassed modern Afghanistan, Pakistan, eastern Iran and western India.

Zahir Shah, the last king of Afghanistan from 1933 to 1973, kept Afghanistan neutral during the World Wars, and underwent steady developments towards becoming a modern nation-state. Democratic reforms were introduced turning the country to a constitutional monarchy where government affairs were run by a prime minister and an elected senate. For a time, the system worked.

The Republic of Afghanistan

Prime Minister Daud Khan, King Zahir Shah’s cousin, abolished the monarchy in 1973 announcing Afghanistan to be a republic and himself as the first President. Daud Khan had ambitious plans for democratic and economic reforms; however, he soon learned that remaining independent of Soviet influence was impossible.

Moscow supported the coups of the People Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), Afghanistan’s communist party that took power in Kabul in a bloody coup in 1988. Decades of conflict continued until the Taliban rose to power in 1990s.

Modern Political System and its Challenges

The international community facilitated the establishment and election of Hamid Karzai as president of Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban in 2001. Afghans have realized that government can work better only if a majority of Afghan leaders can compromise and work in unison. Unfortunately, Afghanistan’s democratic system misses this important prerequisite.

Almost all of the political ideologies are in the government as laws and policy makers, and almost all of them outside as opposition. Only Afghans living here understand how chaotic it gets when laws are debated, or MPs disagree with the executive.

Conclusion

Contrary to popular belief, practicing democracy is not an alien practice to Afghans. Even in the traditional Loya Jirgas of Afghan elders and leaders, decisions were made by consensus – usually with a clear majority.

After a decade of practicing this new political system and as Afghans prepare for elections in 2014 and 2015, it would be wise for Afghans to reorganize themselves into nationally respected, inclusive political parties that have a clear vision and mission for governing their nation.

One should rule, while the other should observe the rulers. However all sides must understand that competition for power should be through the ballot box and not bullets. Otherwise, tragic historical events could be repeated.

Doha Taliban Talks: Opportunity or Threat?

One of the most hopeful developments in bringing peace and stability to Afghanistan after 2002 has been the opening of the Taliban office in Doha.

It can also be referred to as an important political breakthrough in bringing in a warring group that controlled more than 90% of Afghanistan just a decade ago. Despite reservations about the outcome of the new effort, many Afghans are happy that now there is at least a physical address where a peace deal can be negotiated.

However, after the opening of the Taliban office in Doha, the elected government in Kabul is, and for the right reasons, seriously concerned about the “Afghanism” of the negotiations as well as the eventual peace settlement established well outside the borders of Afghanistan.

Right time for negotiations with the Taliban?

Afghans have learned that negotiation is a better alternative to wars. If this was done decades ago, Afghanistan’s descent into chaos in the 1980s and 1990s would have been avoided.

Most have learned that war is not a solution and its gains are only temporary.  Instead, negotiations and democracy through the ballot box is a better alternative to seeking power.

Considering the difficulties of military action for peace in Afghanistan, many here in Afghanistan now understand that negotiations with all groups should have been an integral part of the international community’s re-engagement in Afghanistan in early 2002.

Done correctly and carefully, it might have alienated the warring group from considering armed resistance as the other alternative to regain power.

The Doha effort is a better initiative. However, it must make sure that negotiations are Afghan acceptable to all Afghans; otherwise, it risk being just another wishful event for peace.

What do Afghans expect from a peace deal in Doha?

Afghans are tired of the looming conflict in their country, and having have to migrate to others countries either for survival, a better life or a job.  Instead, an overwhelming majority of Afghans want lasting peace that generates hope for a better tomorrow. Also, Afghans expect a peace settlement that enables them to rebuild their society that is equal, tolerant and prosperous.

However, unlike the past, Afghans do not want a compromise on their basic human liberties. Both Afghan men and women want to live in constitutional freedom and continue to build on their unprecedented gains of the past decade. A compromise on those may not lead to a peace settlement that is just or lasting.

Conclusion

The Doha effort could be a positive development for bringing peace to Afghanistan if it is in sync with Afghan ideals for a peaceful society. It is also a superior alternative to war, and an opportunity to mobilize the warring group into participation in the democratic process of Afghanistan.

However, any discussions, negotiations and decisions made at Doha must be completely aligned with the aspirations of the Afghan people and with the requirements of the Afghan constitution. Otherwise, it would just be another wishful effort for peace in Afghanistan.

Kashmir: The Pakistan-India Dilemma

Pakistan and India have quarreled about their dispute over Kashmir for more than half of a millennium now.

Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met once again in New York at the sidelines of the UN General Assembly to gesture diplomatic friendship. Although critics expect little change in policies from both sides, it is in the interest of both Pakistan and India to seek a break from the past and work for a more peaceful region.

Pakistan and India have quarreled about their dispute over Kashmir for more than half of a millennium now. The dispute has translated into direct wars between India and Pakistan, resulting in both sides acquiring nuclear weapons.

In addition, India and Pakistan invest heavily in maintaining an army that is very big and expensive. This is done despite a massive population living in dire poverty.

The Kashmir dispute harms everyone in the region. Both Pakistan and India spend a disproportionate amount of their national budget on maintaining soldiers along the borders, mobilizing resources and arming troops.  Those resources could be better invested in the education and economies of the two countries to empower all of its citizens.

The dispute also defines the foreign policy agenda of India and Pakistan.

Both nuclear states compete with each other to influence the politics of other countries in the region either through supporting their political agenda or supporting groups that are against the agenda. Although these policies are unpleasant and sometime hostile to other countries in the region, India and Pakistan justifies this practice to protect geo-political interests.

Afghanistan is a good example. Both India and Pakistan pursue divergent foreign policy interest in Kabul. One side supports the elected Afghan regime; the other is blamed for supporting the insurgency.

Resentment against Pakistan and India’s policies is also growing among Afghans.

Working hard to re-establish itself as a democratic, peaceful state, Afghanistan finds itself cramped among the conflicting geo-political interests and policies of Pakistan and India. There is a general sense of mistrust among Afghans on whether Pakistan really desires friendly ties with Afghanistan; and if relations can ever evolve into those of two good neighbors.

Some Afghans are also weary of Indian involvement in Afghan politics invoking security concerns in Islamabad.  However, it is not easy for Afghanistan to break out of the interference of the two countries for it does not control the dispute in Kashmir, nor does it have any influence on Indian or Pakistani policymakers.

Moving forward, Pakistan and India need to accept that their protracted dispute over Kashmir is hurting not only their own people and economy, but it is also aggravating resentment against them in the region.

It is fostering radicalization and hostilities on all sides, which should be stopped and reversed. It is time for both nations to exercise leadership and seek a break from the past by pursuing their interests in a peaceful way out of mutual respect, collaboration, and trust. Beautiful Kashmir should a region that hosts international tourists, not soldiers and arms.

Sports Uniting Afghans

The recent victories of the national Afghan soccer and cricket teams are helping Afghans overcome the divisive identity politics imposed on them in Afghanistan.

They look more like a resilient and united nation. All of the ethnic groups living in modern Afghanistan cheered out long live Afghanistan when the Afghan national team beat India in the South Asian Football Champions final to be the football champions in the region.

Air gun-fire, music, dancing and cheers kept Kabul awake on the night of September 11, 2013 when their national heroes won the title in Katmandu, Nepal.

Today, Kabul streets are once again filled with joy and cheers as the Afghan cricket team beat Kenya in Sharja, Dubai to qualify for the upcoming Cricket World Cup in Australia in 2015.  This is an impressive achievement for the Afghans in their country’s short cricket history.

The games broadcast live from Sharja on Afghanistan’s 1 TV channel in Afghanistan attracted hundreds of viewers from all sectors of Afghan society.

Afghanistan is home to a diverse population that includes ethnic Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, Turkmens and others minority groups living across the country.

In addition, the country is home to both the Sunni and Shia sects of Islam. The celebrations over the national teams’ achievements showed that Afghans are ever resilient against divisions. They came out united to surprise the world in celebrating the achievement of Afghanistan and honor their colorful flag.

It seems that Afghans have learned that unity among them makes them stronger, successful and unbeatable. They also look more like a modern nation appreciating their diversity, and sharing their own joy regardless of their ethnic background or beliefs.

Celebrating national achievements together also proves that Afghans are working towards re-establishing a progressive and pluralistic society, and will continue doing so after 2014.

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Note:  This article was also published at  http://www.sharnoffsglobalviews.com/sports-uniting-afghans-183/.